While Africa’s energy landscape is full of challenges and conflicts, global players such as China, the United States and many European countries are pursuing the coveted prize of the continent’s renewable energy potential. continues to compete. This is nothing new. Africa’s interactions with foreign actors have been carved, shaped and forged by histories of dependency and neo-colonialism. Given the deep legacy of this past power relationship, echoes of Nkrumahism resound again. Named after Ghana’s first president, Kwame Nkrumah, the principles emphasize the importance of African countries carefully considering foreign investment in the renewable energy sector and taking greater ownership in regional cooperation. Because of this, it remains relevant even today. This article argues that the intentions of foreign actors may border on predatory. Such safeguards aimed at preventing African countries from being relegated to the periphery of their own energy markets should therefore be welcomed by the larger international community.
In a recent assessment, the International Renewable Energy Agency assessed Africa’s technical potential for solar power at 7,900 GW. This undoubtedly established the region as one of the world’s most promising regions for solar power generation, but it was not the end. Africa’s hydropower potential was estimated at 1,753 GW and wind energy at 461 GW. Usually this is reason enough to celebrate. However, given the current geopolitical competitive dynamics and rhetoric leaning towards renewable energy competition within Africa, it is very likely that the major global players have only their own interests in mind. is.
Still, it is clear that the need for foreign investment and technology imports cannot be underestimated, as Africa is home to energy-rich as well as energy-hungry countries. Estimates provided by PwC put the cost of the continent reaching net zero by 2050 at a seemingly insurmountable $2.8 trillion. The fiscal burden of this amount is intolerable for most African economies, so African countries naturally gravitated towards international finance to develop this sector.
At present, there are serious concerns about the EU’s 2020 Hydrogen Strategy, which envisages cost-effective green hydrogen imports. Their ambitions opened the door to a wider spiral into the official birth of extractive practices and “green grabbing,” where environmental projects act as smokescreens for resource theft. The physical manifestation of their purpose can be seen in the German-Moroccan collaboration to build Africa’s first green hydrogen industrial plant. It is natural for Germany to perceive this partnership as a low-risk, high-return pursuit, as it serves the objective of establishing a reliable supply of green energy for domestic consumption. If, or rather, this were to happen, it would significantly consume the resources that could ensure the continent’s sustainable growth and the prosperity of local populations, perpetuating the rising trend of “green colonialism.” This can also be recognized by digging deeper into the influential lobbies driving the EU’s green transition, including fossil fuel companies with colonial heritage, such as France’s Total and the Netherlands’ Shell.
In some projects, we can already see the flowering of this form of colonialism. As an example, Morocco’s famous Ouarzazate solar power plant was built on land forcibly taken from poor groups such as Amazigh agro-pastoralists, with support from the German-based Desertec Industrial Initiative. The plant uses concentrated thermal power generation (CSP), which requires water to be diverted from drinking and agricultural purposes to cool the system. The use of water, a subsistence necessity in a semi-arid environment, raises serious humanitarian questions about the true cost of the project for the region’s local population, especially when few people directly benefit from it. Risk aversion further exposes the project’s financial burden and shows how profits are privatized while responsibility for covering losses is shifted to the public. The program, which has run a staggering €80 million annual deficit since 2016, serves to reinforce the dynamics of colonialism through what can be described as “blackmail” against lower- and middle-class Moroccans.
Extensive energy diplomacy on Africa’s grand chessboard also boosts this colonialist image. The rise of China’s infrastructure finance through the Belt and Road Initiative is being actively countered by the US and the EU through the Build Back Better World initiative in January 2021 and the Global Gateway Initiative in December 2021, respectively. The fact that these plans are increasingly being labeled as “counterattacks” and exist alongside an injection of overt criticism of China in the global narrative is a sign of conflict between rival powers and self-centered interests. It only justifies the existence of the battlefield where it exists.
China is not without fault either. Their East African crude oil pipeline has been denounced as a “disaster for the planet” and their energy explorations are usually accompanied by large dimensions of alleged debt traps, environmental destruction and human rights abuses. Even the current war in South Sudan does not seem to be stopping their continued “bet on oil”. The core of their strategy consists of simply providing funding to the social and political upper echelons to gain access to energy resources, rather than attempting to reconcile conflicting parties. Although this is about a non-renewable resource, its impact can be derived. The idea that “the past speaks loudest” suggests that the actions and motives of foreign powers such as China, the EU, and the US are unlikely to result in dramatic changes in response to Africa’s renewable energy potential. You can guess. Therefore, there is an urgent need for countries to present a united front to protect their sovereignty and thoroughly evaluate options for overseas investment.
However, it is the power plays that exist within and between African countries that are firmly driving a wedge in the hope of further synergies between African countries. The resource abundance of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Nigeria, to name a few, has led to what Professor Richard Oti calls a “natural resource curse.” In these countries, the presence of oil and other lucrative energy resources has given rise to corrupt, incompetent governments and well-funded militias to rebel against the state. The same thing can happen in countries with renewable energy resources. This is precisely why it is so important to demonstrate foresight and ownership in developing robust strategies for strong state governance and responsible practices.
Similarly, the emergence of renewable energy, which has the potential to be turned into a geopolitical tool, is creating hostility and competition between African countries. Although the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam’s primary purpose is to generate hydroelectric power, its ability to control downstream flows threatens water security in Egypt and Sudan and has heightened diplomatic tensions. This situation shows how delicate the balance between renewable energy projects and internal dynamics is. Moreover, whether it is coincidental or not, it further emphasizes the need for improved cooperation and dialogue to dismantle the weaponization of energy. In doing so, we can build a more interconnected, unified and developed Africa.
In the absence of strong domestic regulations, regional cooperation is an essential foundation for Africa’s sustainable energy future. This embodies endless possibilities and can protect more vulnerable regions from foreign exploitation. Perhaps that is why African countries should take ownership in promoting collective investment in cross-border initiatives. There is also significant consensus on the creation of regional energy networks to strengthen energy security and the African Union’s unique ability to oversee these efforts and prioritize Africa’s interests. These measures enable greater autonomy and fairer distribution of energy resources, replacing exploitative relations with interdependent ones.
As a solid starting point, we can look to some examples of regional economic communities in Africa, such as the East African Power Pool, which are already pooling resources and sharing electricity across borders. Such collaborations offer a glimpse of a more integrated continent, where improved energy infrastructure paves the way to mutual prosperity. However, they are currently far from sufficient. Perhaps this is because the threat posed by the fragile dynamics of the renewable energy landscape is not fully recognized.
It is time for Africa as a whole to redouble its efforts to leverage its institutions to be at the forefront of shaping our energy future. We need to place greater emphasis on friendly relations between nations, and we need to reproduce existing cooperation on a larger scale. A crucial step in these efforts is to reassess whether foreign investment contributes to sustainable development or increases dependence on neocolonialism. Steps taken today will convey a legacy of resilience and empowerment into the future.
(Photo credit: Warren Lohner, via Wikimedia Commons)
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author.
Khushi Nagpal holds a BA in History from the London School of Economics. She currently serves as Vice President of London Globalist.
